Adebanjo, Clark, Amaechi, Yakasai at their sunset

The other day, Salihu Abubakar Tanko-Yakasai (95) lamented that no nation spending 80 percent revenue of its revenue on governance would ever develop. He said “at the moment in Nigeria, 80 percent of Nigeria’s revenue is expended on bureaucracy, spent on running the administration. The bottom line is you cannot develop with 20 percent of the total revenue, where you commit 80 percent for recurrent expenditure. This is what is happening at the federal and state levels. With this situation, no country can develop”. Imagine what we are spending on the national assembly in the midst of poverty, imagine how much INEC will spend on elections this year and next year too. Imagine what the governors are taking home every month all in the name of security votes.

In fact, the issue now is beyond the percentage in the cost of governance as lamented by Yakasai. It looks as if the soul of this country is on trial. We are at a crossroads, as a people. We have the problem of a huge debt, insecurity, overspending especially on the national assembly, unemployment, high rate of inflation, banditry, bad roads, ill-equipped hospitals, and many other problems that we are now faced with. It is good that Yakasai and his three other colleagues at the sunset of their lives are crying out now that things are not well with us as a country. We need to hear more from them. They represent perhaps, our last hope now. Their silence will be worse Honestly, this is not the time to keep quiet at all. Our situation is getting worse daily.

The big four I have in mind represent the four regions before the 1967 era. They are Ayo Adebanjo(93) from the old Western region, Mbazulike Amechi (91) from the old Eastern region, Edwin Kiagbodo Clark (94) from the old Mid-Western region, and Tanko Yakasai from the old Northern region. It is commendable that these octogenarians still speak out on issues concerning this country. I must commend them for voicing their opinions on issues, though such opinions may not be listened to. They should be appreciated for speaking out often, For hardly a week passes without any of them expressing their opinions. One may disagree with their opinions but they should not be ignored. At the sundown of their lives, they should be more encouraged to speak out. Let’s take a look at their profile.

In the last few weeks, I have come to know Clark better through Godknows Igali and Kayode Ajulo. On May 25, Clark will be 95 years old. Clark is the Ebi-Ebekekere, Owei of Western Ijaw in Delta state. He is the senior brother of Johnson Pepper Clark (April 6, 1935- October 13, 2020) and Akporide Blessing Clark(91), the former Nigeria representative at the United Nation. He had his education at the African Church School, Effurun, 1939, Native Authority School, Okrika, 1940, Native Authority School, Akugbene, 1940-1945, Government Teacher Training College, Abraka, 1949-1953, Holborn College of Law, London, 1961-1964; headmaster, Local Authority, School, Ofoni, Western Ijaw, headmaster, Local Authority School, Bomadi, 1954, headmaster Secondary Modern School, Bomadi, 1955-1957 and assistant community development officer, 1957-1961. In 1966, the then military governor of Mid-Western Region David Akpode Ejoor( 1932-2019) appointed him as a special adviser.

Along with Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (1923-2010), J.I.G. Onyia, and my friend, Mudiaga Odje (1923-2005), he represented the Mid-Western region in the ad-hoc committee set up by Yakubu Gowon (87), GCFR that sat between September 12, 1966, and November 1, 1966. The mid-west delegation was assisted by T.E.A. Salubi, Christopher Okojie, and D.P. Lawani.

The proposal for the Mid-Western region at that time was a federation of the existing regions, Lagos continuing as a federal territory or becoming a region. The mid-west memorandum considered a redrawing of the constituent units desirable and set out the following criteria: ethnic, linguistic, and cultural affinity or homogeneity, historical association (e.g. Hausa/Fulani, Efik/Ibibio), the viability of states both absolutely and relatively, geographical contiguity, comparability in size and reciprocal self-determination (i.e. not only should each minority group be given the opportunity to determine its future but also a majority group must be given the opportunity to determine whether it is willing to associate with a minority seeking such association). On the basis of these criteria, twelve states might be created (four in the north, two in the west, four in the east, the mid-west, and Lagos). Although desirable, such a rearrangement was considered impracticable in the prevailing circumstances.

The mid-west further proposed a unicameral parliament, directly elected for four or five years by universal adult suffrage, each region having an equal number of seats. ‘The place of the opposition shall be entrenched in the constitution (e.g. official salary for its leader; right to choose the business for discussion on certain). To sit for not less than three-quarters of the year”. In a separate memorandum, detailed proposals were made for ensuring free and fair elections.

Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia (17 September 1932 – 9 March 2017) of the old Bendel state appointed Clark as the commissioner for education and later commissioner for finance and establishment. Clark used his vantage position to open Ijaw waterlands; built new secondary schools and gave girls scholarships to attend secondary and tertiary institutions. Clark helped in building the Midwest College of Technology that later metamorphosed into the University of Benin (after the failure of several efforts to affiliate the fledgling school to the University of Ibadan and Ife). He was later appointed pro-chancellor, chairman, governing council of the university (1970-1975). During his tenure as pro-chancellor, Clark gave scholarships to students of what we now regard as north-west and south-east.

He was minister for information under Yakubu Gowon till he was overthrown by Murtala Ramat Muhammad (November 8, 1938, – February 13, 1976), GCFR in 1975. Clark was elected a senator in Bendel Delta zone on August 20, 1983, along with sixty other NPN senators. He was sworn in on October 7, 1983, by the then senate president, Josep Wayas. I covered the swearing-in ceremony on that day. He served for three months before Shehu Aliyu Usman Shagari was overthrown by Muhammadu Buhari (79), GCFR. Clark was very prominent during the tenure of Goodluck Jonathan (64), GCFR. Beginning in 1996, Clark has been a self-described leader of the Ijaw nation. He supported the Ijaw ethnic group in Delta state during an ethnic crisis in Warri and has led Ijaw leadership delegations to meet political leaders.

Amechi is the Dara Akunwafor of Ukpor, Ichie( the headquarters of Nnewi south local government area in Anambra state). He lost his wife, Priscilla Chinelo Okoye, whom he married in 1960, recently. Amechi was educated at the Catholic School, Umunuko, Ukpor, 1937-1943, Etukokwu College, Onitsha, 1944-1948, principal organising secretary, National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons(NCNC), 1955-1959, secretary-general, Zikist Movement, 1960-1963, national publicity secretary, NCNC, 1964-1966, parliamentary secretary, ministry of information, 1960-1962, minister of state for ports, 1964-1966, member, National Party of Nigeria (NPN), 1979-1983, executive member, strategy committee, NPN, 1979-1983; director, Nigeria Railway Corporation. Recently, Amechi led the south-east leaders to President Muhammadu Buhari to the villa, to plead for the release of Nnamdi Kanu.
In 1966, a similar futile plea was made for the release of Isaac Jasper Adaka-Boro ( 1938-1968). Also in 1995, another futile global plea was made for the release of Kenure Benson Saro-Wiwa (1941-1995).

Adebanjo, from Isanya-Ogbo near Ijebu Ode, is presently the leader of the Afenifere, a socio-cultural organization for the Yoruba people of Nigeria. The Afenifere was formed in 1998 with Abraham Adesanya as the leader and the late Bola Ige as the deputy leader. Other founding members were Onasanya, Reuben Fasoranti, Wunmi Adegbonmire, Okunrounmu Femi, Ganiyu Dawodu, Olanihun Ajayi, Olu Falae, Adebayo Adefarati, and Ayo Adebanjo. Other Afenifere members that joined include Dipo Olaitan, Mojisola Akinfenwa, Olusegun Osoba, Bayo Salami, Dayo Adeyeye ( publicity secretary), Supo Shonibare, Kofo Bucknor Akerele, George Akosile, Nathaniel Aina, S.K. Babalola, Korede Duyile, Jimi Agbaje (treasurer), Iyiola Omisore, Professor Aikuola, Lam Adesina, Segun Ojo (protem financial secretary), Ayo Opadokun(protem general secretary), Bolaji Akinyemi(head of the think tank), Gbenga Kaka, Cornelius Adebayo, Olorinnimbe Farunkanmi, Babatunde Oduyoye, Funminiyi Afuye as well as NADECO officials in exile. In this group, we have Wole Soyinka, Kayode Fayemi, and others whose efforts were appreciated.

Afenifere was re-grouped after the demise of Adekunle Ajasin. And its monthly meetings were held in Ijebu Igbo. Ganiu Dawudu was the leader of the group in Lagos. The weekly caucus meeting of the group was held every Monday at Surulere, Lagos, house of Pa Onasanya. Other members were Chief Aikulola, Prof Akin Onigbinde, Chief Lere Adebayo, and Dr Gbola Adetunji. Chief Kole Omololu, the Atunluse of Osoro kingdom in Ondo state who was based in London, was introduced to the Group by Chief Olu Falae. Chief Bola Tinubu was absolved into Afenifere when he returned to Nigeria after the demise of General Sani Abacha (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998). Cornelius Adebayo, former governor of Kwara state, was the chairman of its political committee. A lot has been written on Chief Ayo Adebanjo and he too has said a lot about himself and his stand on issues almost on daily basis. He is a man who is never afraid of controversy.

During the treasonable felony trial in 1963, Adebanjo was in Ghana with Chief Samuel Goomsu Ikoku (1922-1997). On a personal note, while in Ghana, he formed a personal relationship with my uncle, Chief Edward Afolabi Abimbola, the Lijofi of Idanre, who died at 87 in August 2017. Abimbola was the Managing Director of EAACO Company, which established a bicycle factory in Accra, Ghana, on January 17, 1969, and also assembled gas cookers, refrigerators, and electric cookers in Ghana at that time. Chief Adebanjo was present in all the funeral events of Chief Abimbola. Several times when I visited his house in Surulere before his death, Chief Abimbola revealed to me how generous Chief Adebanjo is and how principled and objective he was as a friend to him.

Alhaji Tanko Yakasai is the fourth among those I regard as the last link with the present generation. I have known Alhaji Yakasai since 1976. He was very close to Alhaji Mamoud Waziri, Alhaji Gidado Idris, Alhaji Gambo Jimeta, Alhai Uba Ahmed and Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki. Always at alert, he reads constantly. Years ago we usually meet at the Roman Garden House, Victoria Island, Lagos, office of Alhaji Mahmoud Waziri. Alhaji Tanko Yakasai had his elementary education at the Shahuchi Elementary school, Kano, 1934-1937, Shahuchi Evening School, Kano, Wilhelm Pieck Institute, East Germany, (Diploma in Political Science).

In 1946, there emerged some radicals in Kano, they formed the Northern Elements Progressive Association (NEPA). The radicals include Habib Raji Abddallah, Abubakar Zukogi and Abdurrahman Bida. It was the NEPA that gave birth to the Northern Elements Progressive Union, which was launched in Kano on August 8, 1950. The Party was headed by the Headmaster of Maru Teachers College, the legendary Malam Aminu Kano (9 August 1920, Kano- 17 April 1983, Kano along with Malam Sa’ad Zungur, the NCNC Federal Secretary. Eight other radical founded the NEPU then. They are Bello Ijumu, Abba Maikwaru, Mudi Sipikin, Magaji Dnbatta, Babaliya Manaja, Musa Kaula, Abdulkadir Danjai and Garba Bida.
The executive members of NEPU at that time were Malam Yerima Bella (Vice President General), Malam Abubakar Zukogi(General Secretary), Malam Yahaya Sabo, Alhaji Salihu Nakande(Treasurer), Alhaji Ahmadu Tireda(Assistant Treasurer), Malam Shehu Sataima (Financial Secretary General), Malam Tanko Yankasai (National Publicity Secretary), Malam Ibrahim Heebah( Administrative Secretary), Malam Yahaya Abdullahi (Political Secretary to the President General), Malam Lawal Dan-Bazau (Adviser on Moslem Law), Malam Adamu Jaririand, Malam Abubakar Tanbuwal (Auditor), Malama Gambo Sawaba, Malam M.B. Yunusa and Malam Saliu Tate( National Field Secretaries).

In November 1956 election to the Northern House of Assembly was held. The Government Party, the Northern People’s Congress (N.P.C.) won the election with 100 seats out of 131 elected seats. But for this first time the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) secured five seats in the Regional legislature, the United Middle Belt Congress twelve, the Bornu Youth Movement-two and the Action Group- four. The ideology of NEPU was socialist economics, social liberalism and democratic humanism. It became the main opposition party in Northern Nigeria after the region was granted self-governance in the 1950s. In the First Republic it maintained a steady alliance with Zikist National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) against the Northern People’s Congress (NPC)-dominated Federal Government.

Other members of NEPU at that time were Malama Gambo Sawaba, Malam Ladi Shehu, Alhaji Ali Chindo, Alhaji Shehu Gombe, Malam Lamin Sanusi, Alhaji Mudi Lagos, Malam Abba Zakar, Malam Isa Yaro, Malam A.k. Danjaji, Malam Danladi Tudun Nufawa, Malam Uba Na Alkassim, Malam Adamu Gaya, Malam Babandije Jimeta, Malam Bala Keffi, Malam Ango Soba, Malam Garba Danbera, Malam Muhammadu Achichi, Malam Ben Wafi Bida, Malam Ali Dakata, Malam Sambo Barka, Malam Mamudu Tireda, Malam Buba Hadejia, Malam Yusufu Hadejia and Malam Baba Dan Agudi. It was the NEPU that issued the Sawaba Declaration; a proclamation of a political front calling for a socialist revolution in Northern Nigeria. Malam Aminu Kano translated the original Hausa document published by the party in 1953 called on the ‘Talakawa’ or populace to launch a ‘class struggle against the ruling class.

At the Lafia Convention of 1953, NEPU endorsed the declaration, including it in its in manifesto of 1954. The Declaration of Principles states that the shocking state of social order as at present existing in Northern Nigeria is due to nothing but the family compact rule of the so-called Native Administration in their present autocratic form; That owing to the unscrupulous and vicious system of administration by the family compact rulers and which has been established and fully supported by the British imperialist government, there is today in our society an antagonism of interest, manifesting itself as a class struggle, between the members of the vicious circle of Native Administration on the one hand and the ordinary talakawa on the other hand; That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the talakawa from the domination of the privileged few and by the reform of the present autocratic political institutions placing their democratic control in the hands of the talakawa for whom alone they exist;That this emancipation must be the work of the talakawa themselves; That as at present, the machinery of government including the armed forces of the nation, exist only to conserve the privilege of this selfish minority group, the talakawa must organize consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government both nationally and locally in order that this machinery of government, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation, and the overthrow of the bureaucracy and autocratic privilege; That all political parties are the expression of class interest and as the interest of the talakawa is diametrically opposed to the interest of all sections of the master class, both white and black, the party seeking the emancipation of the talakawa must naturally be hostile to the party oppressors; the Northern Element Progressive Union of Northern Nigeria, therefore being the only political party of the talakawa enters the field of political action determined to reduce to nonentity any party of hypocrites and the traitors to our mother country, and calls upon all the sons and daughters of Northern Nigeria to muster under its banner to the end, that a speedy termination may be wrought to this vicious system of administration which deprive them of the fruits of their labour, and that as poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality and political, economic and social slavery to freedom.

Incidentally, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai was one of the people that wrote and defended the Sawaba declaration. Between 1954 and 1956, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai was the National Chairman of the NEPU Youth Association, National Secretary, Northern Elements Progressive Union, 1955-1958, National Chairman NCNC/NEPU Youth Association and the Secretary General, Sawaba Party of Nigeria between 1961 and 1962.
Alhaji Tanko Yankasai was often imprisoned for his NEPU activities along with Sani Gezawa and Abubakar Zukogi.
It is the spirit of that declaration that is still enduring in Kano till today. Although radicalism had been in Kano for a long time before the Sawaba Declaration, it was the declaration that fuelled radicalism the more in Kano. Having lived in Kano for some years, I realized that there are two groups in Kano, a group of the extremely wealthy and a group of the extremely poor. Occasionally when these two group clash, Kano erupts under a simple excuse. The root of this constant clash may be traced to the Sawaba declaration.

It was the spirit of the Sawaba that made Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar Rimi(1940-2010) to be governor of Kano state in 1979 and it was the same spirit that made the PRP to win all the five senate seats in Kano in 1979. It was the spirit of Sawaba declaration that made it impossible for President Shehu Shagari to have 25 per cent in Kano in the 1979 Presidential election and also made Alhaji Sabo Barkin Zuwo to be elected governor in 1983 in Kano state.
Every Kano state citizen either he has read it or not, believes in the Sawaba declaration. It is the declaration that has encouraged radicalism in Kano. If you read fully the Sawaba declaration, you will not be surprised about the social crises now ravaging most parts of the old Northern Nigeria.

In 1966, the military overthrew the civilian government and in 1967, Kano state was created by General Yakubu Gowon. General Gowon then appointed Alhaji Audu Bako as the Military Governor of Kano state. Governor Bako later appointed Alhaji Yakasai as the Commissioner for Information, 1967-1971, commissioner for Co-operatives, 1971-1972 and commissioner for finance, 1972-1975. In spite of criticisms, Audu Bako’s administration is today still remembered in Kano for his positive achievements. After his death in 1980, the Tiga irrigation dam built during his governorship was renamed the Audu Bako Dam. In 1979, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai did not join the People’s Redemption Party of Alhaji Aminu Kano but the likes of S.G. Ikoku, Kanmi Ishola-Oshobu, Ibrahim Barau, A.D. Yahaya, Una Akpan, Dr. Kolabogdi, Adamu Gaya, Ahmed Zakari, Hamisu Musa, Usman A. Dambata, Sabo Barkin Zuwo, Abubakar Rimi, Balarabe Musa(21 August 1936- 11 November 2020) had surrounded Alhaji Aminu Kano by then. President Shehu Shagari later appointed Alhaji Yakasai as the special assistant on national assembly matters.

After the overthrow of Usman Shehu Aliyu Shagari on December 31st, 1983 by Major General Muhammadu Buhari, Alhaji Tanko Yankasai was detained like many other politicians in Nigeria then. Till today, he is still bitter about his political persecution. In 1992, during the failed Presidential campaign, Alhaji Yankasai aligned with his close friend, Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki (1933-2012), the late Waziri of Ilorin in his Presidential bid. That was when I became closer to Alhaji Yankasai. We met at flat 18, the ninth floor of the Roman Garden House, and we were usually hosted by the personal assistant to Alhaji Mahmoud Waziri in the person of Mr. Vincent Usoho to discuss issues. Frequent visitors to that flat 18 at that time were Chief Harry Akande, Alao Aka- Basorun, Comrade, Uche Chukwumerije, Femi Falana, Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, Professor Biliaminu, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Major General Shehu Musa Yar’adua, General Gibson Sanda Jallo. Alhaji Mahmoud Ata, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, Dr. Bukola Saraki, Beko Ransome-Kuti, and others.

Between 1994 and 1995, he was a member of the Nigerian Constitutional Conference; a delegate Nigerian National Conference in 2014, and also a member National Conference Consensus Building Group in 2014. It is good even at the age of 95; a man like Alhaji Tanko Yankasai is still talking about national issues. For if my observation is correct, only a few people now talk or advise this Central Government. Most people have realized that it is useless and a waste of time to talk to a government that does not listen. As far as this government is concerned, there is no dialogue. So I must commend Alhaji Tanko Yankasai and his colleagues, Chief Adebanjo, Chief Amechi, and Chief Clark that they are still concerned about the future of this country Nigeria seems to be in a dilemma now. The Nigeria train is moving at a fast speed to a KAPUT destination.

The question now is, is Nigeria now a failed state or a fragile state? According to a recent analysis by World Bank, “a fragile state or weak state is a country characterized by weak state capacity or weak state legitimacy leaving citizens vulnerable to a range of shocks. While many countries are making progress toward achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, a group of 35 to 50 countries (depending on the measure used) are falling behind. It is estimated that out of the world’s seven billion people, 26% live in fragile states, and this is where one-third of all people surviving on less than US$1.25 per day live, half of the world’s children who die before the age of five, and one-third of maternal deaths occur.

A fragile state is significantly susceptible to crisis in one or more of its sub-systems. It is a state that is particularly vulnerable to internal and external shocks and domestic and international conflicts. Fragile states are not only evaluated by degree of fragility but also types of state fragility and threat they pose in to help policymakers to appropriate responses.[6] In a fragile state, institutional arrangements embody and perhaps preserve the conditions of crisis: in economic terms, this could be institutions (importantly, property rights) that reinforce stagnation or low growth rates, or embody extreme inequality (in wealth, in access to property and land ownership, in access to the means to make a living); in social terms institutions may embody extreme inequality or lack of access altogether to health or education; in political terms, institutions may entrench exclusionary coalitions in power (in ethnic, religious, or perhaps regional terms), or extreme factionalism or significantly fragmented security organisations. In fragile states, statutory institutional arrangements are vulnerable to challenges by rival institutional systems be they derived from traditional authorities, devised by communities under conditions of stress that see little of the state (in terms of security, development or welfare), or be they derived from warlords, or other non-state power brokers. Fragile states might also offer citizens multiple, overlapping institutions from highly variant power sources that are competing for legitimacy. While, as opposed to a weak state, these different institutions might not be in direct conflict, they do offer strong competing narratives that hamper the progress of good governance.

A fragile state is an analytical category that gained prominence from the mid-1990s onwards and gained further traction after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The background is the belief held by many policy-makers and academics alike that the potential for contemporary conflict is harboured within, not between, states. Low capacity and low-income states of the Global South are thought to pose direct threats not only to their own populations but by extension also to their neighboring Western countries. Following this logic, fragile states are in need of development in order to be able to provide security and basic services to its citizens, decreasing vulnerability and increasing resilience to internal and external shocks. In this way, fragile states exhibit a series of similar threats as failed states, but at a markedly lower magnitude. Their failures are an effective omen of what is to come if their administrative course remains unaltered”.

For sure Nigeria is in the category of countries listed above either as failed or fragile.