Nigeria’s partnership with BRICS

It is no longer news that Nigeria is now a partner-nation of an intergovernmental organisation better known by its acronym, BRICS: Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa. The first summit was held as BRIC in 2009 in Russia with the first four countries as members. It later admitted the fifth in the following year and arrived at its present name. From day one, the group hasn’t left anyone in doubt about its core intentions and missions. The western economies have consistently held the longer part of the stick since World War II, a situation that was somewhat ameliorated by the glorious years of the defunct Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). As expected, after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, that dominance grew stronger.

Somehow, China and Russia in particular had to find concrete ways to challenge the status quo, if not checkmate it altogether. They were not going to fold their hands and allow that regime to thrive inexorably. After all, the world order is powered principally by three fuels: politics, economy and military, with the last two standing as the determinants of the first. India and Brazil, some of the world’s super developing nations, could be trusted to complement Beijing and Moscow in their quest. Then, South Africa, the leading economy in easily the globe’s most endowed but marginalised and abused continent.

While BRICS hasn’t yet done enough to turn the table, its stated action plans, particularly adopting a common currency within its fold and ultimately ditching the dollar, have announced themselves as potential game changers. The group is, without doubt, rich in potentialities and promises. All things being equal, it should be able to live up to its billings: enhance development, trade, investment, security and cooperation among the planet’s top emerging market economies; and also serve as a viable counterpart and alternative to the elite G7.

Enter the beloved Nigeria. It’s not for nothing that the country is called giant of Africa, now with cynicism in many quarters though. Beyond its massive human resources, it hosts a collection of energies that can’t be ignored. Tides do turn, however, and chapters do change; sometimes quickly and brutally. At other times in the past, the nation would have been approached with reverence right from inception to be a co-founder. But that statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announcing the country’s new partner-nation status in BRICS contains, between its lines, echoes of its present condition. “The formal acceptance to participate as a partner country underscores Nigeria’s commitment to fostering international collaboration, leveraging economic opportunities, and advancing strategic partnerships that align with Nigeria’s development objectives,” it says.

“BRICS, as a collective of major emerging economies, presents a unique platform for Nigeria to enhance trade, investment, and socio-economic cooperation with member countries. Nigeria is poised to leverage this platform to advance shared goals in trade and investment, energy security, infrastructure development, technology, and climate change. This partnership also aligns with our national aspirations for inclusive growth, regional integration, and active participation in shaping a fair and equitable global economic order in line with our ethos of strategic autonomy.” Smooth diplomatic rendition.

But, sadly, fine communication alone may not assuage the embarrassment some Nigerians and non-citizen lovers of Nigeria feel about this development. They’re pained that all things being equal, the country shouldn’t be comfortable in the company of the other partner-nations, namely Algeria, Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Thailand, Turkey, Uganda, Uzbekistan and Vietnam; that the shame was complete when Nigeria lost the chance to, at least, become a later-batch member when Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) did.

Sceptics and cynics have taken the argument even further. Overwhelmed by a mixture of nostalgia and national pride, they simply can’t get over what used to be for Nigeria on the external turf. At a point during the anti-apartheid struggle, in recognition of its leadership role, the country became a nemesis of the South African white supremacists and was the only one without physical boundaries with the Southern African nation that was proclaimed a frontline state by the United Nations. Nigeria’s pivotal campaigns in the emancipation of other countries within the region, notably Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe, are also well documented.

Not to mention the near-messianic interventions in the turbulence in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The latter turned out to be too costly in men, materials and money but established Nigeria as an undisputed regional political and military leader. The reminiscences go on and on. All that catalogue of heroism now appears to be in perpetual jeopardy, occasioned by our dwindling fortunes on the world stage. Again, as is the case in virtually every component of the country’s national life, arriving here isn’t a simple quick-dash. It’s been years of wrong decisions, missteps and misplaced priorities.

Some of the apprehensions about Nigeria’s BRICS entry point are truly informed and credible. Yusuf Bangura, a coordinator at the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD)’s response in his article titled, “What’s Wrong with Nigeria’s Foreign Policy” can’t seriously be waived away. “How can Ethiopia (which has a smaller GDP than Nigeria), Egypt and South Africa (which only leapfrogged Nigeria on the GDP metric in 2024 after the massive devaluation of the naira in 2023) be full members of BRICS and Nigeria confined to the status of a partner member?” He wonders.

“This, surely, must be insulting to many Nigerians. It seems that Nigeria’s dysfunctional domestic politics has affected the foreign policy establishment and weakened its posture on the global stage. The statement from the spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs accepting the BRICS’ offer reads like Nigeria’s foreign policy has become largely transactional, without any lofty ideals, vision or strategic goals.

“How a second-tier membership role in an organisation like BRICS will impact Nigeria’s aspirations for regional power status and global influence is not addressed. If Nigeria can’t gain full or permanent membership of BRICS, why should it expect to be granted permanent membership of the UN Security Council – a long-standing position it has canvassed for Africa’s voice in world affairs?” Valid posers, understandably.

While not denying the possibility of some negative implications for joining from behind in terms international reckoning, the greater question is whether the country stands to benefit from inaction in the face of current sad realities, all in the name of ego. And what manner of egotism would that be? Jimmy Cliff, Jamaican reggae legend, has a hit called, ‘Foolish Pride’. In a matter of months, Nigeria has crashed from its first position to fifth on the continent’s economic size chart. And the main developmental indices aren’t yet showing any signs of bouncing back strongly.

Some local sayings may be pedestrian but analysts and realists should embrace them, even if temporarily. “The downfall of a man is not the end of his life.” “He who is down needs fear no fall.” “Na condition make crayfish bend.” “No condition is permanent.” Of course, there’s a certain level no nation should go below in attempts to seek salvation but Nigeria is not there yet, thankfully.

Ego, though critical to the essence of living, isn’t all there is to life. The nation, like everything else on the planet, must go through phases. The frustrations Nigerians express while waiting, seemingly interminably, for their country to rise from its ashes are comprehensible but despising the present move is not a reasonable option. The federal government must prove its critics wrong and win the confidence of its citizens by pursuing the much-touted gains of partnering with an institution that’s attempting to find its way in a hugely cornered political and economic arena.

Ekpe, PhD, is a member of THISDAY editorial board.